Speaker 1: From Kaleidoscope and iHeart Podcasts. This is Silenced. I'm os Vloshan.
Speaker 1: It's been twenty years since the story of Verio ended,
Speaker 1: A story that stood at a crossroads in Haitian history
Speaker 1: where things could have been so different, A story that
Speaker 1: beams ear splitting echoes into the Haiti and Miami of today.
Speaker 1: In this bonus episode, we closed the gap between the
Speaker 1: nineteen nineties and now with a timely interview with the
Speaker 1: nauded Caribbean correspondent for the Miami Herald, Jacqueline Charles. She
Speaker 1: wrote the definitive piece on the twenty twenty one assassination
Speaker 1: of Haitian President Jovana al Moiz in the Power of Vacuum.
Speaker 1: Since the assassination, Haiti has experienced escalating gang violence, kidnappings
Speaker 1: for ransom are on the rise, and refugees are fleeing
Speaker 1: the country in large numbers. It's a level of instability
Speaker 1: that harkens back to the nineteen nineties. We discussed Jacqueline's
Speaker 1: reporting on the presidential assassination and all that's followed, and
Speaker 1: we talked about keeping alive the dream of a democratic Haiti.
Speaker 1: Here's our conversation. Can you tell us a little bit
Speaker 1: about your path to your current job. Really starting is
Speaker 1: how you became a journalist and how you came to
Speaker 1: have Haiti as your specialty.
Speaker 2: I actually got my start as a high school intern,
Speaker 2: a fourteen year old high school interne at Miami Herald.
Speaker 2: This was a period where you know, Haiti was making
Speaker 2: a lot of news as usual. Some of my colleagues
Speaker 2: in the newsroom, one in particular, Peter Bosh, was a
Speaker 2: photographer who would go down to Haiti a lot, and
Speaker 2: he had friends in Haiti after when he's calling them
Speaker 2: to try to check on them, and then he would
Speaker 2: get the maid and so he didn't speak Creole, so
Speaker 2: he would actually ask me if I could translate for him.
Speaker 2: So that's really how I guess you can say, I
Speaker 2: sort of got started just kind of translating, you know,
Speaker 2: helping someone out. And after I decided that I was
Speaker 2: going to be a journalist because I really wanted to
Speaker 2: be a doctor, I started to think about, you know,
Speaker 2: what I wanted to focus on, what I want my
Speaker 2: specialty to be. And being of Haitian descent, being from
Speaker 2: the Caribbean, being raised by a Haitian mother and a
Speaker 2: Cuban American stepfather. I really saw myself as being in
Speaker 2: a unique position to really educate people about this region
Speaker 2: and about these countries. It's not just about sun and surf.
Speaker 2: It's not just about you know, crises and dictatorships and communism,
Speaker 2: but that they're so layered and so textured.
Speaker 1: That period in the in the early nineties, the kind
Speaker 1: of Aras Steed coup period, was also a period of
Speaker 1: enormous migration by boat to South Florida. And when we
Speaker 1: met last year in Miami, you used the phrase back
Speaker 1: to the future to compare the situation at least as
Speaker 1: of a year ago, to the situation in the early nineties.
Speaker 1: I'm wondering about that phrase back to the future and
Speaker 1: what it meant to you.
Speaker 2: When we met. You know, that was a period where
Speaker 2: we were seeing the largest Haitian boat migration crisis in
Speaker 2: almost twenty years. We're still seeing reports of overloaded boats,
Speaker 2: you know, either off the coast of Cuba or off
Speaker 2: the coast of the Bahamas. We've seen thousands of Haitians.
Speaker 2: The US Coast Guard is out in patrol, so they've
Speaker 2: managed to stop some of these boats, you know, before
Speaker 2: they even get through the Florida streets. What you see
Speaker 2: consistently is that when Haiti is in crisis, boat migration
Speaker 2: goes up, Maritime migration goes up. So when I say
Speaker 2: back to the future, is that once again we're looking
Speaker 2: at a country that is in political turmoil, economic, social turmoil.
Speaker 2: This is unprecedented in terms of of the gang violence
Speaker 2: and the kidnappings. You have an entire capital of Queta
Speaker 2: Prince almost under gang rule and you see people reacting
Speaker 2: with their feet. So you also have parallel to that,
Speaker 2: journalists who are being forced to flee Haiti because their
Speaker 2: lives are in danger. You have a number of journalists
Speaker 2: who have been forced out at Haiti. They've had to
Speaker 2: seek refuge either in the Dominican Republic or here in
Speaker 2: the United States because they have been the targets of
Speaker 2: attempted assassinations, kidnappings, or kidnapped. When you start to lose
Speaker 2: your best journalists or just journalists in general, who are
Speaker 2: doing good work, not merchandising but actually informing people, where
Speaker 2: does that leave a population? And that is the concern
Speaker 2: that when I talk about back to the future, is
Speaker 2: that you have this unsolved murder in Miami of these
Speaker 2: journalists in a chaotic period of Haiti, and today while
Speaker 2: we have this trail you know, Jean Dominique, bring Lindor,
Speaker 2: you know, and others in Haiti whose murders remain unsolved.
Speaker 2: My fear is that we are going to be adding
Speaker 2: to that list.
Speaker 1: This is the month of the anniversary of the assassination
Speaker 1: of Jean Dominique. We spoke to Michelle Montesse at length.
Speaker 1: We'll get to the story your reporting on Noyes. But
Speaker 1: those two cases and these radio broadcasters in little Haiti
Speaker 1: in the early nineties, the abiding theme is impunity and
Speaker 1: killer is not being brought to justice, and I wonder
Speaker 1: both why that is and what the consequences of that is.
Speaker 2: Well, I think you're seeing the consequences of the impunity
Speaker 2: in Haiti. You're seeing it today in the current reality
Speaker 2: of what's happening in this country. It's on a very
Speaker 2: dangerous downward spiral, escalating gang violence. You know, in kidnappings.
Speaker 2: The United Nations last year that on average, you know,
Speaker 2: one person was kidnapped every six hours. You mentioned gen Dominique,
Speaker 2: and twenty three years later, his killers have not been
Speaker 2: brought to justice. One of the judges who had led
Speaker 2: that investigation Claude Gasson died last year in the mysterious circumstances.
Speaker 2: Another key witness in the Gen Dominique case was assassinated,
Speaker 2: you know, in Haiti after leaving Miami and going back
Speaker 2: to Haiti. So one has to wonder whether or not
Speaker 2: there will ever be any sort of resolution. And yes,
Speaker 2: this is the most high profile journalists of our time,
Speaker 2: and he stands as a symbol of so much and
Speaker 2: of how even today the freedom of the press is
Speaker 2: under fire, you know in this country.
Speaker 1: Yeah, a symbol of lost hope. I mean particularly he
Speaker 1: was an inspiration to so many, including several of these
Speaker 1: radio broadcasters who were murdered in Myami. So there's all
Speaker 1: of these strange echoes and parallels. It felt like in
Speaker 1: the early nineteen nineties, this this moment of hope and
Speaker 1: hope in democracy, that there was almost like a fight
Speaker 1: for the future of Haiti happening on the streets of Miami.
Speaker 1: How did that fight resolve itself and is it ongoing
Speaker 1: or is that a battle of the past.
Speaker 2: Now. You also have to remember that the demographics of
Speaker 2: the people who were coming to South Florida were essentially
Speaker 2: you know, Haitians who were from the north or who
Speaker 2: lived from you know, rured areas. These were the peasants,
Speaker 2: the farmers, not necessarily folks who you know, are college educated.
Speaker 2: But they came and they succeeded, but they were still
Speaker 2: focused on Haiti, right Their bags were still packed. Their
Speaker 2: dreams were to go back to Haiti and resume their lives.
Speaker 2: This is what they were, you know, they were waiting on.
Speaker 2: And then of course Eristy gets exiled in this in
Speaker 2: this military cool. But then the earthquakes happened. And when
Speaker 2: the earthquake happened, we started to see a shift. And
Speaker 2: that shift was people were starting to give up on
Speaker 2: that idea, that dream that they were going to move
Speaker 2: back to Haiti, and all of a sudden, people were
Speaker 2: concerned about their local you know, city council and the
Speaker 2: decisions they were increasing in becoming American citizens. This is
Speaker 2: a city where we elected the first Haitian American in
Speaker 2: public office anywhere in the United States. And then their
Speaker 2: attentions were increasingly being focused on local issues because there
Speaker 2: had become so much disappointment, you know, in Haiti post
Speaker 2: you know, twenty ten earthquake. What we saw was the
Speaker 2: promises of the billions of dollars that the international community
Speaker 2: said they would give didn't materialize, and so in Haiti
Speaker 2: we saw the long lines of Haitians who were trying
Speaker 2: to get to Chile. In Brazil and in South Florida,
Speaker 2: we basically saw a community that just sort of turn
Speaker 2: their back. I'll continue to support my family, I'll continue
Speaker 2: to send my remittances. But people were like literally unpacking
Speaker 2: their bags and boxes and gave up on this idea
Speaker 2: that I'm going to move back.
Speaker 1: We first met actually in little Haiti. We went to
Speaker 1: the Dixie Express Driving School, which is actually where Fritz
Speaker 1: dor worked as a paralegal and where his partner at
Speaker 1: Donosan Pleete ran the driving school. And when we were there,
Speaker 1: the Dixie Driving School was still there, and there was
Speaker 1: a sign up and you could kind of make out
Speaker 1: the phone number and some of the marketing material from
Speaker 1: the early nineties. Since we've been reporting on the podcast,
Speaker 1: that building has had now actually been sold and presumably
Speaker 1: we'll be torn down and redeveloped. And so if we'd
Speaker 1: even started this story a year later, that very important
Speaker 1: physical landmark might not exist anymore. And so, you know,
Speaker 1: hearing about how febrile. The atmosphere on the streets was
Speaker 1: in Little Haiti in the early nineties and seeing it
Speaker 1: now with the shuttered storefronts, can you speak a little
Speaker 1: bit about what's happened to Little Haiti and what effect
Speaker 1: that may have on the community's kind of ability to
Speaker 1: pressure in terms of policy.
Speaker 2: The reality is that while Little Haiti was the first
Speaker 2: entry point for Haitians coming into South Florida, it is
Speaker 2: the community that today has been gentrified. It has changed.
Speaker 2: There are very few Haitians who are actually living in
Speaker 2: Little Haiti, and those who live in Little Haiti, you know,
Speaker 2: few of them actually own their property in Little Haiti.
Speaker 2: I mean when Joan Juice was, you know, on the
Speaker 2: streets and was pressuring, it was it was about the
Speaker 2: fact that you had Haitian refugees in the United States
Speaker 2: who were being targeted for deportation. They did not have
Speaker 2: legal status, they were fighting for legal status. Everybody was
Speaker 2: in the same boat, so to speak. So it was
Speaker 2: very easy to rally people around that. Today it's different.
Speaker 2: Today you're dealing with the generation, a younger generation of
Speaker 2: American born Haitians who don't know the struggle for immigrant
Speaker 2: equity They don't know the Haitian rights struggle. They don't
Speaker 2: know what it's like to be called names or to
Speaker 2: be targeted because you were you were Haitian. I remember
Speaker 2: just recent like last year or year before last, I
Speaker 2: went to a protest that was organized by Tony Shinten
Speaker 2: or Vio. Vio used to be able to bring out,
Speaker 2: you know, tens of thousands of people on the streets,
Speaker 2: and they were just a few hundreds, you know, and
Speaker 2: most cities were old guards either not. These are not
Speaker 2: necessarily like young people who were out, you know, who
Speaker 2: would be out and protesting for Black Lives matter, who
Speaker 2: are deciding, well, I'm going to go to this protest
Speaker 2: by this organization. So that's what I think what you're
Speaker 2: seeing is a community coming of age. You're seeing assimilation,
Speaker 2: but you're seeing also this ongoing stroll for identity and
Speaker 2: to hold on to that identity and asking itself, well,
Speaker 2: what should our next come that be? What should our
Speaker 2: next fight be? More?
Speaker 1: After the break, For people who don't know anything about
Speaker 1: the assassination of President jov Nomoise, can you briefly summarize
Speaker 1: what happened and what you've learned in your reporting.
Speaker 2: So on July seventh, twenty twenty one, anti president of
Speaker 2: No Noyes was at home in his private residence. He
Speaker 2: was at home with his wife and their two kids
Speaker 2: when a group of alleged assassins Columbian mercenaries came in
Speaker 2: and allegedly kill him. I say alleged because we are
Speaker 2: there's been no trial. Just to take a step back,
Speaker 2: I mean, this was a period where jov Nomales was
Speaker 2: the target of increased anti government protests. He was ruling
Speaker 2: by a decree, meaning there was no functioning parliament to
Speaker 2: the lower chamber had been dismissed. There were only ten
Speaker 2: senators in office. All of the mayor's local officials had
Speaker 2: been appointed by him, even the police chief. We also
Speaker 2: came into office, you know, facing money laundering charges, questions
Speaker 2: about you know, the elections. The first round actually was
Speaker 2: thrown out because of fraud. So he controlled every apparatus
Speaker 2: of the country, and he was flexing his muscles. I mean,
Speaker 2: he passed an executive order to create sort of the
Speaker 2: equivalent of a Haitian cia, and people were up in arms,
Speaker 2: you know about this. His critics were accusing him of
Speaker 2: trying to be Latin America and the Caribbean's next dictator.
Speaker 1: So after President Moys was killed, you actually went to
Speaker 1: Haiti to cover the assassination, and you found a complex
Speaker 1: web of motives and actors that actually led all the
Speaker 1: way back to Miami, and in fact, you named the
Speaker 1: piece Made in Miami. Talk about that.
Speaker 2: We named this project made in Miami because what became
Speaker 2: very clear early on when after I arrived in Haiti
Speaker 2: actually the day of the event, was that there were
Speaker 2: a number of Haitian Americans which to South Florida who
Speaker 2: were implicated in this. Two of them were actually on
Speaker 2: the street outside of the President's house, Vincent Joseph and
Speaker 2: James Olage basically saying this is a DEA operation, DA operation.
Speaker 2: It was not a DA operation, but basically tried to
Speaker 2: use the cover of a US federal agency in order
Speaker 2: to pull this off. One of the things that we
Speaker 2: did find out is that what was used as a
Speaker 2: motivating tool for the former Columbian soldiers who were allegedly
Speaker 2: involved in this is that they were told that there
Speaker 2: was forty million plus dollars cash inside the president's house.
Speaker 2: So this turned into this sort of a weird money heights.
Speaker 2: The reason why the plan had switched from kidnapping the
Speaker 2: president to killing him was because there was pay dirt.
Speaker 2: They were going to get access to this cash and
Speaker 2: that they would be able to keep millions of dollars
Speaker 2: in this cash and then turn over some of it
Speaker 2: to the new team that was going to be governing
Speaker 2: in Mayes's absence. Four of the suspects who were jailed
Speaker 2: in Haiti. Of the forty plus who've been jailed were
Speaker 2: brought to the United States, where they have been charged.
Speaker 2: It also includes a former Columbian military official who was
Speaker 2: allegedly the co leader of the of the Colombian mercenaries
Speaker 2: who've been implicated in this, as well as three Haitian
Speaker 2: Americans that I mentioned earlier.
Speaker 1: Two of whom are the current or former US intelligence assets, right.
Speaker 2: One guy Joseph Vincent, is a former DA informant. He
Speaker 2: was not at the time of the assassination. Rudolph jar
Speaker 2: who's also in the United States at one point, was
Speaker 2: an informant, you know, for the DA. He's a convicted
Speaker 2: drug trafficker. He has since just pled guilty in the
Speaker 2: assassination to avoid a trial and to see if he
Speaker 2: can get a deal. And then there is a third
Speaker 2: gentleman that we at the Miami hurl broke the story
Speaker 2: that at the time of the assassination he was still
Speaker 2: an active fbimant.
Speaker 1: At the time of the assassination of the president of
Speaker 1: at one of the assassins, was an active FBI informant, Yes, but.
Speaker 2: That does not mean that the FBI was aware or involved.
Speaker 2: As a matter of fact, they have acknowledged in the
Speaker 2: charging documents that yes, he was an FBI informant, and
Speaker 2: when they learned of his involvement, he was no longer disinformant.
Speaker 2: And he did at some point try to engage the
Speaker 2: FBI in some sort of regime change discussion, which they
Speaker 2: did not engage in. But they by no way that
Speaker 2: this was sanctioned by them, and we have not seen
Speaker 2: any evidence to say that it was. You know, I
Speaker 2: know that there are people who believe that the United
Speaker 2: States knows everything, and there's no way that president was
Speaker 2: killed in the US was not aware that this was
Speaker 2: going to happen. Yeah. No, I mean, I've been on
Speaker 2: the story from day one. We've done a lot of digging,
Speaker 2: We've talked to a lot of people, and there is
Speaker 2: absolutely nothing in my reporting or my colleagues who have
Speaker 2: other sources elsewhere, people who don't necessarily need to protect
Speaker 2: any government agency. And we have not found any evidence
Speaker 2: that the United States had any involvement in this at all.
Speaker 2: I think that's one of the problems with impunity is
Speaker 2: that when you don't have real investigation to provide people
Speaker 2: with answers. You know, there's a lot of assumptions that
Speaker 2: are always you know, that are always made right.
Speaker 1: And now the the million dollar question. So, I mean, obviously,
Speaker 1: in the early nineties, Aristide was such a figure of
Speaker 1: hope for people like Tony and Malan and Fritz and
Speaker 1: Donner and Jentaurlivier. Hope for a new Haiti, hope for
Speaker 1: a Haiti that people could return to that. As you said,
Speaker 1: people literally had their boxes and suitcases packed. What happened
Speaker 1: to that hope and why it didn't work out?
Speaker 2: Oh, that is a million dollar question. Why didn't it
Speaker 2: work out? I think that, you know, thirty years in
Speaker 2: the life of a country is a short time, but
Speaker 2: it's a generation and when you've got turmoil, it seems
Speaker 2: like it's forever. When you think about the fact that
Speaker 2: there are young people today and Haiti who don't know
Speaker 2: what a working democracy looks like. You know, they yearn
Speaker 2: for a period where they heard that you know, there
Speaker 2: was electricity twenty four to seven and they were baseballs
Speaker 2: that were being made. Of course, they don't know the
Speaker 2: price of that twenty four hour electricity in those baseballs.
Speaker 2: That was during the dictatorship. Things were great and wonderful
Speaker 2: as long as you were not in politics. So, you know,
Speaker 2: I think with Haiti, when you look at what's happening today,
Speaker 2: you're saying, well, what happened in these last thirty some years.
Speaker 2: Haitians bear responsibility in some of it, but a lot
Speaker 2: of it also is you know, international community and policies.
Speaker 2: There are specific policies and decisions that were taken by
Speaker 2: the United States and others that one could say, you know,
Speaker 2: help this country get to where it is today. And
Speaker 2: today what you were seeing is a perfect storm of
Speaker 2: all that's wrong, a perfect storm of the billions of
Speaker 2: dollars that were put into a judiciary and the system
Speaker 2: is still dysfunction so you have impunity. You know, money
Speaker 2: that was put into the rebuilding the police force, but
Speaker 2: they didn't take it to the next level in terms
Speaker 2: of how do you protect it from politicization. How do
Speaker 2: you put it sort of on automatic pilot that it
Speaker 2: grows itself rather than just crumble at the slightest you know,
Speaker 2: attack on its fragility, which is what you're seeing. But
Speaker 2: if you talk to you know, the avergation, who is
Speaker 2: you know, in danger of being raped or who has
Speaker 2: been raped because they've been kidnapped or they've been subjected
Speaker 2: to violence. They want the ability to be free, They
Speaker 2: want the ability to be secure, to be able to
Speaker 2: walk on the street. You know. I was just talking
Speaker 2: to a friend of mine just this week and he
Speaker 2: was telling me the story of a woman who had
Speaker 2: been kidnapped and health for twenty two days, and she
Speaker 2: was raped and beaten every one of those days. I mean,
Speaker 2: this is the reality that a lot of Haitians are
Speaker 2: having to face. So they're not interested in the political
Speaker 2: debate or the sovereign debate. They just want help and
Speaker 2: they don't care where it's coming from. Yeah, I often
Speaker 2: say that, you know, when Haiti should be treated like
Speaker 2: a five year old, it gets treated like an eighteen
Speaker 2: year old. And when it gets treated like an eighteen
Speaker 2: year old, it should get treated like a five year old.
Speaker 1: What does that mean?
Speaker 2: Meaning that you know, there are times where, look, this
Speaker 2: is the first black republic and it's a very proud history,
Speaker 2: and your advergation will like to think this is a
Speaker 2: sovereign country. But we can have a whole college course.
Speaker 2: What's the definition of sovereignty and how sovereign are you
Speaker 2: when you are dependent on others for aid and for assistance,
Speaker 2: and when a foreign government is having to pay partly
Speaker 2: for your police did you get to make your own decisions?
Speaker 2: So you know, the people, the very people who are
Speaker 2: criticizing the United States for putting their hands on the
Speaker 2: scale are also the people that are asking the United
Speaker 2: States to put their hands on the scale and boot
Speaker 2: this guy and put me in. We can't have it
Speaker 2: both ways, and I think that that's what it's been.
Speaker 2: There's been a contradiction in the message.
Speaker 1: Your piece begins with this memorable phrase, in the heart
Speaker 1: of every Haitian lies as sleeping president. So I was
Speaker 1: curious about how those two things relate to each other.
Speaker 2: So you have your avergations. You know your mother's on
Speaker 2: the streets, or people who are living in the ghettos
Speaker 2: who know that they'll never be president, because that's a
Speaker 2: world far away, you know, for a world way from me.
Speaker 2: You know, Haiti is a very class based society, right,
Speaker 2: so I'm not in that class. But for the people
Speaker 2: who are in that class, who either went to the
Speaker 2: schools or they walk the circles, are they, you know,
Speaker 2: rub shoulders elbows with people in politics? Yeah, every you know,
Speaker 2: in the heart of Veri Haitian is a sleeping president.
Speaker 2: This idea that I can run this country. I'm going
Speaker 2: to take charge of this country. I can do this.
Speaker 2: I think that that's one of the biggest us under
Speaker 2: estimations that people. You know, that people make and forget
Speaker 2: that there are people who are in the bureaucracy of
Speaker 2: this country who have been there for decades and are
Speaker 2: the real people who are running the show. And that
Speaker 2: you know, impunity rains and because impunity reigns, it's very
Speaker 2: difficult to get things done, it's very difficult to be
Speaker 2: a change agent, and that people flock to those who
Speaker 2: are in power. You started this conversation about impunity and act.
Speaker 2: Why I keep coming back to it is because you know,
Speaker 2: the chaos is because we don't have crime and punishment.
Speaker 2: It's a crime, but whereas the punishment and I think
Speaker 2: that that lack of a punishment in that concept is
Speaker 2: what allows the impunity terrain. How do you get the
Speaker 2: averagation to believe in this thing called democracy when it
Speaker 2: has failed them. One of the biggest questions in Haiti
Speaker 2: has always been who represents um? You know, the average Haitian,
Speaker 2: the people who are you know, in the city's soles
Speaker 2: and the lass Aleins, Thru and bel Air who are
Speaker 2: being subjected to the gang violence. They have no hope
Speaker 2: because in the sense that these people are going to
Speaker 2: improve my life because they haven't seen it.
Speaker 1: I want to close with this, Jacqueline, because you mentioned
Speaker 1: the beginning is when you first started in journalism when
Speaker 1: you were fourteen. You'll be looking at the chaos in Haiti,
Speaker 1: not as a journalist, but as someone who might have
Speaker 1: a friend or a relative whose life was at risk.
Speaker 1: When you think about your readers and your listeners and
Speaker 1: your viewers, what is it both as you know, both
Speaker 1: as a person and as a journalist, you hope they
Speaker 1: take away from the full spectrum of your work.
Speaker 2: You know, I still have family in Haiti. In fact,
Speaker 2: all of my family on my mother's side remains in Haiti,
Speaker 2: and I often say that It's just one decision that
Speaker 2: is the difference between me and my cousins why I'm
Speaker 2: here and why they're there. It was just one decision once,
Speaker 2: that decision that my mother made. Because had she decided
Speaker 2: to give birth to me in Haiti or after having
Speaker 2: me outside of Haiti, sending me to Haiti to be
Speaker 2: raised by my grandparents or my aunts, I could very
Speaker 2: well be one of these individuals who stuck in Haiti.
Speaker 2: My family's not from the elite, you know. I represent
Speaker 2: the group that goes to the US Embassy and gets
Speaker 2: turned down for a visa. And my other reality is
Speaker 2: that I am a member of the Haitian diaspora. What
Speaker 2: I hope is that, Okay, if there's one thing that
Speaker 2: I write that has the ability to make a difference,
Speaker 2: to have the policy makers think of another approach or
Speaker 2: another policy that will move the needle forward, then I
Speaker 2: think I've accomplished something. You know, for those who may
Speaker 2: look at Haiti and just think of it as oh God,
Speaker 2: that country again, always in chaos. But if I can
Speaker 2: show you the human nity and all of this and
Speaker 2: you can be moved in touch by it, then I think,
Speaker 2: then i I've accomplished something.
Speaker 1: Incredibly well said and very moving. Jacqueline Charles, Thank you,
Speaker 1: thank you. That was a conversation with Jacqueline Charles, Caribbean
Speaker 1: correspondent for the Miami Herald, and that's where you can
Speaker 1: find her work. If you haven't already, go read her
Speaker 1: seminal article made in Miami, how Miami plot to ouster
Speaker 1: president led to a murder in Haiti. It recently won
Speaker 1: the prestigious Overseas Press Award. If you've enjoyed this series,
Speaker 1: please share it with friends and family, or leave a
Speaker 1: rating which helps people find the show. But above all,
Speaker 1: thank you for listening. Silenced is a Kaleidoscope content original
Speaker 1: produced by Margaret Catcher, Jenkinni and Padmini Rugunov. Research assistance
Speaker 1: from Sybilla Phipps, Jeremy Bigwood and Kira Sinis. Edited by
Speaker 1: Lacy Roberts, Executive produced by Kate Osborne, Reported and hosted
Speaker 1: by Anna Arana and me Oz Valoshan. Fact checking by
Speaker 1: Nicole Pasulka. Music by Oliver Rodigan aka Kdenzer, Mix and
Speaker 1: sound design by Kyle Murdoch. Thanks to Mangosh, Tikta Costaslinas
Speaker 1: and viny Shuri Our Executive producers at I Heart are
Speaker 1: Katrina Novel and Nikki Etoor. If you like what you hear,
Speaker 1: please rate, review, share, and subscribe to our channel. Thank you,